Identity in Rural Communities: Sociological Concepts

Identity in Rural Communities: Sociological Concepts Introduction Rural communities have been a source of much interest for those engaged within the sociological and geographical realms of study for many years now. The industrial revolution of the 18th and 19th centuries triggered the phenomenon of rural depopulation as millions throughout the Western nations, lured by the promise of a more prosperous existence in the urban core, abandoned their agrarian settlements. However, the late 20th century has witnessed a dramatic increase in the standard of living for the inhabitants of the developed world. Cataclysmic advancements in the spheres of transportation, infrastructure and technology have permitted the denizens of our cities with greater access to regions which were once isolated and peripheral. For the first time in over two centuries populations are now increasing throughout the urban hinterland and countryside. As a consequence, rural communities are now faced with a growing influx of ‘outsider’ or alien elements which may be per ceived to threaten their unique cultural and social traditions. Such elements range from governmental legislation (imposed from a regional, national or supranational level) to tourism and second home ownership. However, in an increasingly globalised and homoginised world, academics have developed great interest in the methodologies deployed by erstwhile isolated settlements as they strive to conserve their very identities and notions of ‘community’. Mewitt has argued that the ‘esoteric cultures’ of rural communities have been much undervalued. He states that, ‘a local population can possess a largely unique culture that remains distinctive in that its symbolic manifestations convey meanings that are commonly understood only among those people.’[1] Defining the Communal Boundary Muir eloquently highlights that, ‘every landscape is enmeshed in networks of boundaries. Some of these are living or current and others are relics of former patterns of overlordship and partition.’[2] He further adds that, ‘some boundaries are political in character’ whilst ‘others relate to ownership and tenancy.’[3] Indeed, the configuration of the present day counties of England dates from Medieval times when the Normans attempted to organise and rationalise the physical landscape. Muir explains that as the number of people residing in a specific locale increases, the greater the necessity precipitates to impose physical boundaries to ‘serve both instructive and symbolic roles.’[4] The remnants of Medieval ‘landscapes of power’ can still be observed in the guise of churches or castles positioned on elevated terrain. Indeed Muir emphasises that, ‘Medieval crosses were frequently associated with marking route way s and the places where roads entered ecclesiastical property.’[5] However, sociologists argue that the concept of ‘boundary’ often surpasses the purely mundane realm. Cohen insists that the boundary of a community is ‘more complex than its physical, legal or administrative basis’ and even ‘ethnic, racial, religious or linguistic differences.’[6] Indeed, he believes that communal, social and physical frontiers may ‘exist in the minds of their beholders’ and are often not objective entities.[7] Indeed, according to Cohen and other commentators the boundaries of a community may be defined in a variety of ways including local genealogy, traditions, idioms, land distribution, folk histories and idiosyncrasies. Defining the Rural Community Shuttles argues that whilst urban communities were traditionally defined on the basis of ‘race, ethnicity and socioeconomic differences,’ rural communities were typically ‘more homogenous.’[8] However, he notes that power was normally concentrated ‘in the hands of a small group of local elites.’[9] Shuttles’ comments are interesting when one considers what many regard as being symbolic of the typical or idyllic rural community. The English manor house and rustic thatched cottage conjure up images of a romantic and traditional arcadian scenario. Indeed, sociologists are now quick to highlight how the paintings of artists such as Constable, and the lucid literary descriptions of writers like Thomas Hardy, have done much to perpetuate the myth of idyllic rural communities within the collective mindset. These were communities where everyone seemingly had his or her ‘place’ within a clearly defined and functional social hierarchy. However, Seymour et al. state that ‘recent debates in rural studies have highlighted the need to reconsider power relations in the countryside by allowing other voices to be heard.’[10] They insist that previously marginalised groups, such as manual workers and housewives, play just as important a role in defining the local community as those in positions of economic and political power. They also note that traditional stereotypes of the rural community are changing both within and out with the locale. For example, farmers were typically viewed as ‘patriotic food producers and the guardians of the countryside.’[11] Since the 1980s the pollution issues concerning unsustainable farming practices and use of chemical fertilisers and pesticides have severely altered the once romantic myth of the farmer as custodian of the landscape and lynch pin of the rural community. Jones’ study of social attitudes in and around the town of Cwmrheidol in rural west Wales is most illuminating. In the late 1980s she began to interview a wide range of locals and incomers; participants included: ‘traditional women and feminists, Welsh speakers and English speakers, residents and summer visitors, New Age travellers, hill farmers and urban commuters.’[12] Indeed, Jones’ findings reveal a plurality of attitudes regarding what constitutes ‘community’ in the local area. Ieuan, a Welsh-speaking hill farmer, seemed to resent official bodies and felt that EU legislation was gradually eroding traditional farming practices and his way-of-life. He was also angry with the planting of Forestry Commission coniferous forests on the hillsides and the imposition of alien boundaries upon once communal pasturelands. Ieuan complained about the ‘thoughtlessness of tourists’ and was sceptical regarding plans to diversify the tourist in dustry.[13] His conservative attitude was shared by Alison and Phil, ‘incomers’ from England, who also opposed development of the area and believed that new housing projects could destroy the rustic character of the local milieu. Another ‘incomer’ named Ros also exhibited similar sentiments and did not want change, so much so that she stated how she would protest vehemently against the renovation of a nearby ‘ruin’. Indeed, one could say that Ieuan, Alison and Phil, and Ros viewed the traditional community as something which should be cherished and remain static throughout time. However, the ‘incomers’ did state that they felt very much like ‘outsiders’ despite having lived in the region for some time. As Ros stated, ’the old locals they’re a community on their own.’[14] The local vicar Patrick Thomas was more than aware of the existence of ‘communities within communities’ throughout this part of Wales. A principal boundary was of a linguistic nature and those who could not speak the Welsh language became effectively excluded from many social and communal activities. Many older inhabitants simply did not view ‘incomers’ as part of the community and seemed to view them as a threat. The vicar strove to promote individual responsibility and attempted to encourage community values regardless of whether an inhabitant was of an ‘insider’ or ‘outsider’ status. Indeed, Patrick Thomas clearly viewed the entire community as a cohesive whole whilst others chose to be more selective in their analysis, often on the grounds of language, ethnicity and place of origin, regarding who was a part of their local ‘community’. Mewett notes how the inhabitants of the Isle of Lewis choose to define the boundaries of the community. He emphasises the importance of nicknames throughout the island by ‘expressing to people the attachment of themselves and others to the local community’[15] and by effectively defining their very social identities. Cohen’s study of the Shetland Island community of Whalsay revealed the existence of a ‘public treasury of personal knowledge.’[16] This social treasury included; ‘the public identities of Whalsay people: the characters attributed to them in public discourse and formulated on the basis of the stereotypical qualities of their kinsfolk or their township of origin; the anecdotal knowledge of incidents in which they were participants; supposed personal idiosyncrasies and so forth.’[17] Such a methodology of social definition is representative of a local folk history and assists in binding the local community together and affirming the notion of ‘being Whalsa’. Cohen concludes that public identities provide social boundaries for the community and serve as veritable ‘compass bearings’.[18] Cohen also highlights the linkage of a person to a place in Whalsay and the propensity of locals to depersonalise individual talents and skills. If someone exhibits an aptitude for woodwork they are said to have ‘Skaw-blood’ in them. The origin of this saying derives from the belief that many skilled carpenters once came from the town of Skaw in the north. This was due to the fact that drift wood commonly accumulated on the coast near this town and the local artisans had a ready supply of the raw material. To compliment one’s ability in such a way effectively grounds the individual within the historical, genealogical, physical and symbolic boundaries of the imagined island community. McFarlane’s study of four villages in Northern Ireland highlights how rural communities choose to define their communal identities and demarcate boundaries within a nation fraught with religious tension. In the predominantly Protestant village of Ballycuan the local history is recounted from a Protestant perspective. The July band marches also symbolised Protestant hegemony within the community and, as the local band master stated, ‘remind everyone that Ballycuan is a Protestant village.’[19] Conversely, in the village of Glenleven, Protestants seemed to ‘present histories which appear to be much less certain about Protestant strengths.’[20] This was due to their minority status in the town and the general consensus amongst all inhabitants that a good sense of community outweighed religious differences. This is an example of how rural inhabitants may choose to redefine the symbolic boundaries of their communities in order to accommodate a plurality of interests. Conclusion As Tuan emphasises, human territoriality and the creation of community is very different to that of the animals which is ‘unburdened by symbolic thought.’[21] There is often ‘an emotional bond between man and nature, man and place.’[22] Cohen’s and Mewett’s studies of rural island communities have highlighted this fact. Community boundaries may be imposed by a variety of individuals or groups in accordance with how they perceive, or wish to perceive, their local society. Such symbolic representations are often crafted on the basis of class, gender or ethnicity but, as Cohen has shown, they can also be very subjective. Cohen also notes that the coming of improved transport linkages to rural communities and the mass market will offer new challenges to how people in the countryside identify themselves collectively. He is however confident that they will continue to define the symbols and boundaries which establishes one as ‘an integral piece of the fabric which constitutes the community.’[23] Bibliography COHEN, A. P. Belonging: Identity and social Organisation in British rural Cultures, Manchester University Press, 1982 COHEN, A. P. Symbolising Boundaries: Identity and Diversity in British Cultures, Manchester University Press, 1986 COHEN, A. P. Whalsay: Symbol, Segment and Boundary In a Shetland Island Community, Manchester University Press, 1987 CRANG, M. Cultural Geography, Routledge, 1998 GIDDENS, A. Sociology, 5th Edition, Polity Press, 2006 LEWIS, G. J. Rural Communities, David and Charles, 1979 LOWERTHAL, D. BOWDEN, M. J. Geographies of the Mind: Essays in Historical Geosophy, Oxford, 1976 MILBOURNE, P. Revealing Rural Others: Representation, Power and Identity in the British Countryside, Pinter, 1997 MITCHELL, D. Cultural Geography: A Critical Introduction, Blackwell, 2000 MUIR, R. The New Reading the Landscape: Fieldwork in Landscape History, University of Exeter Press, 2000 PENNING-ROWSELLE, E. C. LOWENTHAL, D. Landscape Meanings and Values, Allen and Unwin, 1986 SALTER, C. L. The Cultural Landscape, Dixbury Press, 1971 1 Footnotes [1] Cohen, A. P. Belonging: Identity and Social Organisation in British Rural Cultures, Manchester University Press, 1982, pg. 222 [2] Muir, R. The New Reading the Landscape: Fieldwork in Landscape History, University of Exeter Press, 2000, pg. 68 [3] Muir, R. The New Reading the Landscape: Fieldwork in Landscape History, University of Exeter Press, 2000, pg. 68 [4] Muir, R. The New Reading the Landscape: Fieldwork in Landscape History, University of Exeter Press, 2000, pg. 69 [5] Muir, R. The New Reading the Landscape: Fieldwork in Landscape History, University of Exeter Press, 2000, pg. 82 [6] Cohen, A. P. Whalsay: Symbol, Segment and Boundary in a Shetland Island Community, Manchester University Press, 1987, pg. 14 [7] Cohen, A. P. Whalsay: Symbol, Segment and Boundary in a Shetland Island Community, Manchester University Press, 1987, pg. 14 [8] Shuttles, G. D. The Social Construction of Communities, University of Chicago Press, 1972, pg. 260 [9] Shuttles, G. D. The Social Construction of Communities, University of Chicago Press, 1972, pg. 260 [10] Milbourne, P. Revealing Rural Others: Representation, Power and Identity in the British Countryside, Pinter, 1997, pg. 57 [11] Milbourne, P. Revealing Rural Others: Representation, Power and Identity in the British Countryside, Pinter, 1997, pg. 58 [12] Milbourne, P. Revealing Rural Others: Representation, Power and Identity in the British Countryside, Pinter, 1997, pg. 135 [13] Milbourne, P. Revealing Rural Others: Representation, Power and Identity in the British Countryside, Pinter, 1997, pg. 137 [14] Milbourne, P. Revealing Rural Others: Representation, Power and Identity in the British Countryside, Pinter, 1997, pg.139 [15]Cohen, A. P. Belonging: Identity and Social Organisation in British Rural Cultures, Manchester University Press, 1982, pg. 243 [16]Cohen, A. P. Whalsay: Symbol, Segment and Boundary In a Shetland Island Community, Manchester University Press, 1987, pg. 61 [17]Cohen, A. P. Whalsay: Symbol, Segment and Boundary In a Shetland Island Community, Manchester University Press, 1987, pg. 61 [18]Cohen, A. P. Whalsay: Symbol, Segment and Boundary In a Shetland Island Community, Manchester University Press, 1987, pg. 61 [19] Cohen, A. P. Symbolising Boundaries: Identity and Diversity in British Cultures, Manchester University Press, 1986, pg. 94 [20] Cohen, A. P. Symbolising Boundaries: Identity and Diversity in British Cultures, Manchester University Press, 1986, pg. 94 [21] Lowerthal, D. Bowden, M. J. Geographies of the Mind: Essays in Historical Geosophy, Oxford, 1986, pg. 13 [22] Lowerthal, D. Bowden, M. J. Geographies of the Mind: Essays in Historical Geosophy, Oxford, 1986, pg. 13 [23] Cohen, A. P. Belonging: Identity and Social Organisation in British Rural Cultures, Manchester University Press, 1982, pg. 21

Out of Kansas :: Personal Narrative Papers

Out of Kansas I find it on the high bookshelf—Maus: A Survivor’s Tale. I’ve heard about it. It’s about the Holocaust. Mice play the Jews, and cats play the German Nazis. I understand it already. Cats are predators to mice. That’s easy enough. I start reading. The Polish people are pigs. Wait a minute, I don’t get it. Why are they pigs? I’m getting confused. I want to give up. Instead, I pick it up and start again. We begin as moody troubleshooters: we see a puzzle piece that doesn’t fit—we either chop off a corner or throw the thing away. What is a stereotype besides a way of grouping things in order to understand them in a complete and perfectly organized way? To say that something didn’t fit would be an admission that we are unsure of the world we are living in—a frightening thought. Further, we are often conditioned through art to recognize these stereotypes without thought and to react identically as a community—a means of creating and controlling an ideal society. Theater theorist and playwright Bertolt Brecht says of European theater, â€Å"It is well known that contact between audience and stage is normally made on the basis of empathy† (136). The goal is often to make audiences identify with the characters and the stories so that they will reach a natural state of controlled catharsis at the end. Many audiences have thus learned to expect and enjoy such a style. Audiences seek art that will pick them up and pull them along for the entire ride. Underground comic, illustrator, and magazine editor Art Spiegelman meets that desire in his novel-sized comic Maus. Spiegelman describes his work: â€Å"The goal was to get people moving forward, to get my eye and thought organized enough so that one could relatively, seamlessly, be able to become absorbed in the narrative† (Jun 10). A story that absorbs the audience into its own unslowing whirlwind sounds a lot like Brecht’s description of the cathartic theater of control. However, Spiegelman’s works haven’t always had the same goal. In his early career, the question that motivated his art was, â€Å"How many obstacles could you put in somebody’s path before the reader just caved in and couldn’t handle it anymore?† (Juno, 8). The goal was to stilt catharsis—to kill it in its tracks in order to provoke active thought. I read his 1972 comic strip à ¢â‚¬Å"Skinless Perkins.

Kimpton Hotels’

Kimpton Hotels'  EarthCare program brings the business's philosophy of environmental responsibility straight to its properties, starting with its pioneering Eco Floor at the  Hotel Triton  in San Francisco in 1994. Today EarthCare's efforts include: * Using environmentally friendly cleaning supplies in all rooms. * Printing corporate collateral on  recycled paper  using  soy-based ink. * Usring recycled paper for all printing property-wide. * Serving organic, shade grown, and/or fair trade complimentary beverages in the lobby. * Allowing guests the opt out of towel and linen service. Recycling of glass,  bottles, paper, and cardboard through back of house operations. * Auditing and retrofitting back of house lighting to ensure  energy efficient bulbs  are in place. * Using low flow systmes for faucets, toilets, and showers. * Encouraging guests to  recycle  with in-room  recycling bins. * Stocking the honor bar with organic snacks and drinks. * Encouraging gue sts to donate unused amenity bottles to local charities. * Other practices, such as  recycling  coat hangers, eliminating styrofoam cups, using paperless checkin/out, purchasing organic flowers, and more. Kimpton properties are found in: * Scottsdale, AZ * Vancourver, BC Whistler, BC * Los Angeles, CA * San Diego, CA * San Francisco, CA * San Jose, CA * Aspen, CO * Denver, CO * Chicago, IL * Boston, MA * Cambridge, MA * New York City, NY * Portland, OR * Dallas, TX * Salt Lake City, UT * Alexandria, VA * Arlington, VA * Seattle, WA * Washington, DC * 1. Kimpton HotelsPresented by:GROUP 4Andrew Taylor, KirillCherepkov, Emily York, Alaina Alms,and Susan GrahamApril 23, 2009 * 2. Case QuestionsWhat further steps should Kimpton take to institutionalize its environmental commitments? ~AndyHow would you measure the success of the EarthCare Program, and how should it be reported to stakeholders? KirillWhat progress has Kimpton made in the four phases of its EarthCare Program sinc the c ase? ~EmilyWhat is the progress for each of the four phases? ~AlainaWhat is your overall assessment of their progress since the case? ~Susan * 3. How Would You Measure The Success Of The Earthcare Program? KirillCherepkov * 4. SustainabilityEnvironmental mgmt. (measuring success)Environmental audits (reporting) * 5. Environmental Mgmt. in PracticeMeasuring SuccessTop mgmt. w/ a commitment to sustainabilityLong-standing commitment†¦Phase 1 – 2 – 3 – 4 – 5 †¦Line mgmt. nvolvementLocal programsEmployee suggestions * 6. Environmental Mgmt. in Practice (cont. )Measuring SuccessCode of environmental conductâ€Å"Our Philosophy† Our philosophy on environmental responsibility is about more than contributing financially; it;apos;s about embracing behavioral change. This kind of change begins at home, is expanded at work, and now extends to who we choose to do business with†¦Ã¢â‚¬Å"EarthCare program †¦ was the right thing to do. † à ¢â‚¬â€œ Tom LaTour, Chairman and CEOCross-functional teamsJeff Slye, Business Evolution ConsultantEco-champions, co-leads, and program specialists * 7.Environmental AuditsReportingSustainability report:PepsiCo http://www. pepsico. com/Purpose/Sustainability/Sustainability-Report/Environmental-Sustainability. aspxCAT http://www. cat. com/cda/layout? m=199421;x=7Wal-Mart http://walmartstores. com/Sustainability/7951. aspxFordhttp://www. ford. com/micr osites/sustainability-report-2007-08/defaultCost savings:$250,000 per year in waste disposal†¦New business: â€Å"†¦$500,000 in meetings†¦Ã¢â‚¬  * 8. What Progress Has Kimpton Made In The Four Phases Of Its Earthcare Program Since The Case? Emily York * 9.Phase #1 Designed to make hotel staff comfortable with the concept of greener management. Energy Conservation: lighting retrofitted and audited to ensure energy efficient bulbs are in place Recycling: bottles, cans, paper, ; cardboardCleaning Chemicals: tub ; shower, gl ass, deodorizers, and disinfectantsPromotion Materials: recycled paper and soy-based inkComplimentary Coffee in Lobby: organically grownHonor Bar: includes organic snacks and beveragesTowel/Linen reuse: sheets and towels are replaced only at guest’s request * 10.Phase #2 Focuses on investments in water and energy conservation and organically-grown products. Water Conservation: implementation and auditing of low flow systems for faucets, toilets, and showers Energy Conservation: install motion sensors in rooms, florescent bulbs in corridors and back-of-houseOrganic Coffees ; Teas: served in rooms, meeting rooms, and lobby * 11. Phase #3 Extensive investment in in-room recycling of products and sale of organic/recycled products.In-room Designer Recycling Bins: guests are encouraged to participate in reducing our environmental impact Recycled Papers: for copying, notepads, toilet paper, and tissuesDonation Programs: instead of being thrown away, unused amenity bottles are donate d and used by local charities Recycling: of employee dry-cleaned uniform bags and hangers*Guest can now shop the Kimpton Style catalog for eco-friendlyproducts like organic bedding and recycled glassware. * 12. Phase #4 Investment in building materials, labor, and appliances that are more eco-friendly.Energy Star: appliances, computers, and electronicsPaints: low-VOC paintsHeat/Air Conditioning: energy efficient * 13. NEW Phase #5 * 14. â€Å"Helping the environment because it’s the right thing to do. † – April 13, 2009http://www. changemakers. net/node/21543 * 15. Discuss The Specifics Of The Progress For Each Of The Four Phases. Alaina Alms * 16. OverviewWhat has been implementedProducts and Practices for each of the phasesGoalsAccomplishmentsAwards * 17. What has been implementedEarthCare Products and PracticesAs part of Kimpton EarthCare, every hotel adopts tandard environmentally friendly products and practices with high-impact and benefit to our planet. * 18. Products and Practices (Phase 1)Cleaning Supplies: All rooms cleaned with environmentally friendly cleaning products. Honor bar with organic food and beverage options: Honor bars include organic snacks and beverages. Soy Inks: All corporate collateral is printed on recycled paper using soy based ink. Towel/Linen Reuse: Guests have the opportunity to do their part to reduce energy and detergents required for daily washings.Recycling: Back of house recycling programs addressing glass, bottles, paper, cardboard, etc. * 19. Products and Practices (Phase 2)Organic Beverages: All complimentary lobby coffee is organic, shade grown and/or fair trade. Energy Conservation: Back of house lighting retrofitted and audited to ensure energy efficient bulbs are in place. Water Conservation: Implementation and auditing of low flow systems for faucets, toilets, and showers. * 20. Products and Practices (Phase 3)Recycled Paper: Property wide printing on recycled paper.Best Practices: At any hotel you may find environmental activities such as recycling of coat hangers, elimination of Styrofoam cups, paperless check-ins/outs, organic flowers, and more†¦ In-room designer recycling bins: Guests are encouraged to participate in reducing our environmental impact. Donation programs: Instead of being thrown away, unused amenity bottles are donated and used by local charities. Shop the Kimpton Style catalog: for eco-friendly products like organic bedding and recycled glassware. * 21.GoalsReduce waste in landfills by 15%Reduce energy and water usage by 15%Increase employee retention and morale by 10% * 22. Accomplishments;gt; 962,000 lbs of cardboard recycled~ 50,000 gallons of cleaning chemicals replaced with non-toxic alternatives;gt; 253 trees saved from using recycled paperAccomplished in one year in California alone * 23. AwardsCorporate Citizen of the Year. California EPA Awards. Kimpton has been honored with the 2007 California EPA Green Lodging designation. California Gov ernor;apos;s Award. National GeoTourism Award. ttp://www. kimptonhotels. com/programs/earthcare. aspx Kimpton Hotels’ 7 Eco-friendly Best Practices Put Your Commitment in Writing Kimpton Hotels have one of those â€Å"elevator pitch† mission statements to describe their environmental stance. It states: â€Å"Support a sustainable world by using non-intrusive, high quality, eco-friendly products and services at all Kimpton hotels. † It’s short, sweet, descriptive and can easily be said to someone in the few seconds it takes to travel between floors in an elevator. Give Your Eco Program a NameAnother way to add more credibility to you environmental efforts is to give your program a name. Kimpton calls their environmentally friendly green hotel practices, the â€Å"Earthcare† program. Like the mission statement, the name very succinctly states the corporate policy and carries with it the feeling that the company’s taking an organized, focused a pproach to preserving the environment and is already succeeding in its efforts. Provide Your Own Green Business Certification On its Earthcare page, Kimpton lists all of the things they do to be eco-friendly.These actions might not be enough to help them qualify for some green certifications, but anyone can see that they’re serious about their commitment to the environment. This strategy also makes it easier for the media to write about them. Today Show travel editor Peter Greenburg reproduced the Kimpton list of Earthcare Products and Practices verbatim when he mentioned Kimpton Hotels in his article on green lodging. Peter Greenburg’s Article: Eco-Friendly Travel: Hotels and the Green Bandwagon Put Your Results in Real Numbers That People Can UnderstandAdvertising copywriters are taught to write about benefits, not features. In this video on the Sundance Channel, not only can Mike Depatie, the CEO and President of Kimpton Hotels, outline the company’s philosop hy and detail all the changes the hotels have made, but he can also articulate the impact it’s having on the environment. Here are just a few of the benefits that are mentioned in the video: â€Å"Hotel Triton recycles 60% of waste. † â€Å"Their low flow toilets, shower heads and faucets save 15 – 30,000 gallons of water each year. â€Å"Their environmentally friendly cleaning products save 50,000 gallons of chemicals being dumped into the environment. † † Their recycling efforts and use of recycled paper products have saved over 253 trees and eliminated 18,000 pounds of waste. † Reward Your Customers for Their Conservation Efforts Kimpton Hotels offer discounts for guests arriving in a hybrid vehicle. The perks vary from saving 10% on the room rate at some properties, to saving as much as 50% off the overnight parking rate at others. Gather Multiple AwardsAs we stated in our article on obtaining a Green Business Certification for your small or medium-sized business, you should seek out â€Å"certification† from as many organizations as possible. Take one look at the Earthcare page, and you’ll see that Kimpton has done just that by gaining recognition, accreditation, and accolades from a variety of sources in government and in the lodging industry. Here’s a list of the various organizations that have recognized Kimpton Hotels for their eco-friendly hotel practices.Local and State Governments The city of Salt Lake City, Utah. San Francisco Green Business program State of California State of California EPA National Trade Associations Travel Industry and Association of America American Hotel & Lodging Association International Trade Associations Hotel Association of Canada State Trade Associations Massachusetts Lodging Association Media National Geographic Traveler Magazine USA Today Travel and Leisure Seattle Magazine MSNBC Sundance Channel, Ecobiz Keep It Fresh

A Critical Review of Native Son essays

A Critical Review of Native Son essays 1. Born on September 4th, 1908, Richard Wright was born in Roxie, Mississippi (outside of Natchez) on a plantation where his illiterate father was a sharecropper. Wright was raised by his relatives at by the age of 17, he was ready to get out into the world. He headed into Memphis, Tennessee (his relatives lived right outside the city) where he worked odd jobs and educated himself. He read array of novels as he grew up and his education helped him realize the unjust ways of segregation. In 1927, Wright moved to Chicago after the peak of the Harlem Renaissance (a pivotal time for African Americans to express themselves through music, writings, and art). In Chicago, he worked as a postal worker, but was laid off with the depression. Wright then joined the Federal Writers Project, a state sponsored guild for authors, in which Wright composed his first novel, Uncle Toms Children. During this time, Wright joined the Communist party, which was often carried out into his writings. By 1939, Wright had moved to New York City and kept ties with the party for only a few more years. He married in 1941, and had left the communist party by 1944. During World War II, Wright lectured around New York. With the end of the War, Wright moved to France in 1947 where he continued to write his novels, which often contained themes of racism, poverty, and political matters. His books were often partly based on his life and what he had observed in his lifetime. Wright was the first African American author to be featured in the Book of the Month Club for his novel Native Son. In 1995, all of Wrights books were reissued in 1995 in their original context after being censored by publishers for the explicit nature of his novels (which contained themes of sexual, Communist, and racial content). However, Wright was unable to see the reissued books, for Wright was laid to rest in 1960. 2. Written in 1940, Native Son was composed as...

Juveniles And Death Penalty Essays - Penology, Juvenile Court

Juveniles And Death Penalty Essays - Penology, Juvenile Court Juveniles And Death Penalty One of the most controversial issues in the rights of juveniles today is addressed in the question, Should the death penalty be applied to juveniles? For nearly a century the juvenile courts have existed to shield the majority of juvenile offenders from the full weight of criminal law and to protect their entitled special rights and immunities. In the case of kent vs. United states in 1996, Justice Fortas stated some of these special rights which include; Protection from publicity, confinement only to twenty-one years of age, no confinement with adults, and protection against the consequences of adult conviction such as the loss of civil rights, the use of adjudication against him in subsequent proceedings and disqualification of public employment (Kent vs. US 1966:1055). These special rights and immunities exist so that the justice courts can provide measures of guidance and rehabilitation for the child along with protection for society. However, there are some youths who are extrem ely dangerous and do not respond to attempts to reform themselves. The question is, should established mechanisms for transferring or waiving juvenile court jurisdiction in these exceptional cases take away these special rights and subject the youth to the full range of penalties for criminal behavior including, in some jurisdictions, execution (Thomson vs. State, 1986:784) ? Should These juveniles who perform the same malicious acts as some adult capital offenders be subject to the harshness of the criminal courts and the finality of the death penalty ? This paper will discuss a history of capital punishment for juveniles in the United States, methods of transferring juvenile cases to criminal courts, and also my position on the subject and justice of justice of juveniles and the death penalty. The constitutionality of the juvenile death penalty reached a settlement in 1988 in the case of Thompson v. Oklahoma when four Supreme Court Justices reached the conclusion that: persons under sixteen years of age cannot be sentenced to death (Thompson v. Oklahoma, 1988). Justice Stevens, Brennan, Marshall, and Blackmun considered these important issues as they were deliberating on the case: (1) Does a national consensus forbidding executions of juveniles exist?; (2) the extent to which the laws of other Western European nations prohibit or permit the execution of juveniles, and the opinions of respected professional organizations; (3) the degree to which the juveniles should be held responsible for their actions; (4) Whether the execution of juveniles contributed to the retributive or deterrent goals of punishment; and (5) Whether the small number of juveniles executed represents the waton and freakish application of the death penalty as condemned by Justice Stewart in Furman V. Geo rgia (Furman v. Georgia, 1972: 2763, Thompson v. Oklahoma, 1988: 487 U.S. 815). Following the decision, thirty eight states and the federal government created statutes authorizing the death penalty for certain forms of murder and other capital offenses ( Streib 1 of 2). Thompson v. Oklahoma held that no state within the minimum age line within its death penalty can go below the age of sixteen. Presently, fifteen states have chosen the min age of eighteen, four states have chosen the minimum age of seventeen (including Georgia), And twenty states have chosen the minimum age of sixteen (Streib 1 of 2). Before 1988, there was an uncertainty as to how the government should handle the juveniles and their capital crimes. There was one consensus among Justices and that was that the constitution and the Eighth Amendment did not outlaw juveniles receiving the death penalty. In furman v. Georgia (1972: 2823) justice powell wrote: ... The unswerving position that the court has taken in opinions spanning the last hundred years. On Virtually every occasion that any opinion has touched on the question . . . it has been asserted affirmatively, or tacitly assumed, that the Constitution does not prohibit the penalty. The Constitution, which has its roots in English Common Law, is not in violation in the case of juvenile death penalties. Before the minimum age of 16 statutes, English Common law from the 16th Century had a direct influence on the Constitution. This common law carried over to American statutes and established the presumption that no one under the age of seven had

Entrepreneurial Management and Leadership - Individual Reflection Assignment

Entrepreneurial Management and Leadership - Individual Reflection - Assignment Example A corporate organization can only succeed in maximizing productivity with the essence of good efficiency in all its factors of production. However, among all the factors, entrepreneurship acts as the underlying driving force, that helps a corporation to operate competently, through proper amalgamation of all other resources in business. Thus, within a corporate setting, the need for entrepreneurship is indispensable. Good quality of entrepreneurial activities is crucial for success of any corporate organization. So, it is highly rational to foreground the various opportunities via which an organization can enhance its entrepreneurial skills. Senior managers or entrepreneurs are present in every organization. Nonetheless, enhancing entrepreneurial skills involves ways through which new ideas as well as promoters in business can emerge, along with the essence of effective entrepreneurial management. These opportunities or ways are: When a corporate organization enhances its entrepreneurial opportunities, then it also faces several challenges in business. These challenges might hinder proper promotional growth of an organization. These challenges are: Lack of proper financial reserves in an organization often forces entrepreneurs to be risk averse in business. The officials in such situations face circumstances, where they can promote new ideas, but due to lack of proper fund, they fear undertaking risky initiatives in business (Brown 166). Strict government regulations and policies in a particular industry often force corporate firms to be less productive at their work. Under such situations, the government authorities impose heavy restrictions on companies, thereby reducing their market power in the industry. Challenges are bound to arise when an organization tries to enhance its managerial and leadership attributes. However, there are effective ways through which

Tokyo Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1750 words

Tokyo - Essay Example It described the future of Tokyo by predicting that Tokyo will make further strides as a big city with a population of over 12 million, a lively city characterized by mutual contacts and support for transcending generations, a comfortable city with a combination of abundant greenery and charming waterfront, and a city which will maintain a balance between residence and work place while functioning both as a domestic and international information junction and as a major base for the international economy. This is the very image of Tokyo as an attractive international city-that is, a world city-which will lead the world both in name and reality (TMG, 1987, p. 50). When examining the nature of urban policy and planning, it is impossible to ignore the context of global economic change. Many of these policies are formulated as a response to global economic pressures. The priority of urban policy in many cities is to attract inward investment and increase economic competitiveness in relation to other world cities, or similar cities in their region (Short and Kim, 214-235)-although the manner in which this is pursued can vary according to local circumstances (Hall and Hubbard, 85-99). Often these entrepreneurial approaches are adopted to stimulate revitalization after the loss of earlier economic vitality. Thus, as a hypothesis, it is reasonable to ask whether such an entrepreneurial policy emphasis has developed in Tokyo in the context of the Japanese economic crisis. Although Tokyo is nearly always bracketed with London and New York as the top three world cities, there is considerable debate over the degree of similarity between them. One criticism of the global city debate is its Anglo-American ethnocentrism and its tendency to "exaggerate... Although Tokyo is widely regarded as one of the top three ‘world cities’, the argument is supported that it retained many national characteristics, partly based on its location in a ‘developmental state’. As national fortunes have changed, so has Tokyo’s relationship with its global environment. Twenty years ago Japan was experiencing economic boom and this was reflected in dramatic development projects in Tokyo. The concept of ‘world city’ was used at this time to legitimize such development. The 1990s were viewed in Japan as ‘the lost decade’ with great uncertainty over policy direction as the boom collapsed and urban policy in Tokyo entered a phase of inertia. It is argued that the city is now entering a third phase in which a new competitive attitude is emerging regarding the role of Tokyo and this is leading to changes in strategic urban policy. However, this new approach is still embedded in old structures and conceptio ns and hence there are tensions in developing future policy. Attitudes to the role of Tokyo have been changing in national government. After a period in which the concept of world city was unfashionable, the national administration of Hashimoto announced the Japanese version of the Big Bang policy in 2003. This proposed that Tokyo should be revived as one of the world’s economic centers and be made into a free, fair and global financial market. This was the context for the election for Governor of Tokyo in 1999, which was won by Ishihara. His election manifesto was based on the idea that national recovery should start in Tokyo. He presented himself as a strong political leader who could stop the decline of both Tokyo and Japan. His dynamic approach, in which he proposed to revitalize Tokyo again as Japan’s leading city and an important world player, contrasted with the sluggish approach under Hiroshima.